Research Articles
Author: Bruna Franchetto (Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro)
In Kuikuro, a variety of the Upper Xingu Karib Language, there are quotative constructions, for both direct and indirect quoted speech. After a synthesis of the Kuikuro morphosyntax, the second section describes and analyzes the main aspects of the direct quotative speech constructions, which are by far the most frequent in different speech genres. More specifically, the 'quotes framers' of direct quotative are analyzed, distinguishing two possibilities: the presence of a lexical 'framer' (verb ki-, 'to say'); a pure aspectual inflection suggesting the existence of a verb ‘to say’ not phonologically realized. The absence of a 'framer' is also quite frequent. The verb ki- also occurs in constructions of indirect quoted speech. Note that the recipient of the saying, to whom the said statement is directed, is marked by the ‘perspectival’ or ‘about’ postposition heke. Direct and indirect quotatives are complex constructions. The third section of the article is an initial approach to indirect quotatives, with its variety of syntactic strategies and types of construction. The data that exemplify generalizations, as well as descriptive and analytical statements are taken from natural corpora, mainly narratives, and controlled elicitations.
Keywords: direct speech, indirect speech, Kuikuro, Upper Xingu Carib
How to Cite: Franchetto, B. (2024) “Quotative constructions in Kuikuro (Upper Xingu Carib)”, Language Documentation and Description. 23(2). doi: https://doi.org/10.25894/ldd.361
This article focuses on direct and indirect quotative constructions in Kuikuro, a variety of the Upper Xingu Carib Language (LKAX), one of the two southern branches of the Carib family (Meira and Franchetto 2005). It is a preliminary descriptive study of these constructions in a specific language, offering new data for comparison with other Carib languages and other unrelated languages, as well as suggesting directions for theoretical approaches to analysis of quoted speech constructions.
Kuikuro confirms the cross-linguistic generalization proposed by Spronck & Nikitina (2019: 120–126) that reported speech constructions involve a dedicated syntactic relation that differs from other sentential structures, reflecting a binary or bi-clausal relation that is neither coordination nor subordination. In Kuikuro indirect quotatives are infrequent in spontaneous speech or in narratives, but relevant data can be obtained easily through contextualized elicitation.
Following this introduction, the article is organized into three sections. Section 2 introduces the Kuikuro people and provides a synthesis of Kuikuro morphosyntax. Section 3 describes and analyzes the main aspects of the direct quoted speech constructions, which are by far the most frequent types of quotatives in the language regardless of discourse genre. More specifically, the ‘quote framers’ of direct quotatives are analyzed, revealing three distinct possibilities: the presence of a lexical ‘framer’ (the intransitive verb ki- ‘to say’); a purely aspectual inflection suggesting the existence of a null verb ‘to say’ that is not phonologically realized; and the absence of explicit framing.1 We will see that the identification of the addressee of the reported speech is expressed by a postpositional phrase headed by heke, a postposition which I gloss as ‘perspective’ and which is semantically understandable as a kind of ‘about’ (not to be confused with a formally similar postposition used as the marker of the ergative case of the external argument of a transitive verb). The absence of any kind of quote framer is also quite frequent. Section 4 deals with the complexity of indirect quotatives. The source of the analyzed subcorpus comes from the existing digital Kuikuro corpus which results from 40 years of documentation work conducted by the author and which contains narratives, among other performed discourse genres, and elicited data contextualized whenever possible (Matthewson 2004; Sanchez-Mendes 2014). The subcorpus of quotative constructions was checked and enriched by the author in the fieldwork undertaken in July 2019.
Kuikuro, spoken by approximately 700 people, is one of the two main varieties of the Upper Xingu Carib Language (LKAX), one of the two Southern branches of the Carib family (Meira and Franchetto 2005). The Kuikuro live in six villages in the region known as ‘Upper Xingu’, at the headwaters of the Xingu river, in Brazilian Southern Amazonia. The ethnonym ‘Kuikuro’ has become established since the first written ethnographical record by Karl von den Steinen at the end of the 19th century (Steinen 1894), and it derives from the toponym of the place where, in the middle of the 18th century, the first village (Kuhi ikugu ‘Needle Fish Creek’) of a recognized autonomous group was established inside the multilingual and multiethnic Upper Xingu regional system. The other co-varieties of LKAX are spoken by the Kalapalo, Nahukua, and Matipu local groups of the Upper Xingu Carib sub-system. Together with Kuikuro, they should be considered still vital, albeit vulnerable, languages/varieties that are distinguished mainly by different prosodic structures (Silva and Franchetto 2011).
Kuikuro is a highly agglutinative and complement-head order language (Maia et al. 2019: 85–91). The basic word order is SV (Subject Intransitive verb) and OVS (Object Transitive verb Subject); any head, be it a verb, a noun, or a postposition, constitutes a prosodic unit with its internal argument (Silva and Franchetto, 2011). It is an ergative-absolutive language in which all intransitive verbs are unaccusative. The external cause (agent) of a transitive verb is marked by the postposition heke (Franchetto 2010), as shown in examples (2b) and (2c) below. Bare nominals are underdetermined for number and definiteness.2
Basic word order is SV when the verb is intransitive. Nominal and pronominal absolutive arguments are in complementary distribution, as exemplified in (1a) and (1b), as well as in (2a) and (2b).3
Basic word order OVS when the verb is transitive:
There is no overt agreement on the verb, and a unique set of person markers is prefixed as an internal (absolutive) argument to verbs, nouns, and postpositions (see Table 1).
PREFIXED PRONOMINAL FORMS | SEMANTIC FEATURES | GLOSSES |
---|---|---|
u- | [+ego, –tu, –pl] | 1 |
e- (a-, o-) | [–ego, +tu, –pl] | 2 |
i-, is-, inh | [–ego, –tu, –pl] | 3 |
tis-, tisih-, tsih-, tinh- | [+ego, –tu, +pl] | 1.3 |
kuk-, ku-, k- | [+ego, +tu, –pl] | 1.2 |
Table 2 and Table 3 show the morphological structure of nominal and verbal words in Kuikuro, with positions for prefixes and suffixes before and after the root, which is a lexical morpheme not categorized for part of speech. Parenthesized morphemes are optional.
(ABS/PERS) | Root | NCAT | (Aspect) | (NMLZ) | (POSS) | (Number) | (FUT/NTM) | (COP) |
(ABS/PERS) | (DTR) | Root | VCAT | VBLZ | (TR) | Mood | Aspect | (Number) | (FUT) | (COP) |
Kuikuro verbs are inflected for mood and aspect, not for tense. Tense is inferred contextually from the interaction between aspects, adverbs, epistemics and deictics. The future verbal inflection (-ingo), which always appears after the verbal punctual aspect, could be considered as an expression of tense, but it expresses more than just a future eventuality, as far as it has also deontic modal values of possibility and commitment.4
Besides having rich phonologically conditioned allomorphy of bound morphemes (Franchetto 1995), five morphological classes set a complex allomorphy of many inflectional nominal and verbal suffixes (Santos 2007, 2008). Table 4 summarizes the verbal inflectional classes in which the Kuikuro verbs are distributed, for just the punctual and durative aspects, given the relevance of this phenomenon for the reported speech constructions in Kuikuro.
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Punctual | Ø | -nügü | -lü | -jü | -lü |
Durative | -tagü | -tagü | -tagü | -tsagü | -gagü |
apüngu- ØapünguN-tagü‘to die’ | ongi-nügüongiN-tagü‘to hide’ | agi-lüagi-tagü‘to throw’ | agugi-jüagugi-tsagü‘to split’ | api-lüapi-gagü‘to hit’ | |
The punctual aspect (PNCT) is a kind of default aspect. It expresses an eventuality conceived as instantaneous, without any inherent duration in time, “almost a thing”, as the Kuikuro say. Punctual aspect is interpreted as referring to a non-present eventuality. The durative aspect (DUR) expresses an eventuality conceived as inherently having a duration in time and is used to cover past and present eventualities. There is also a perfect aspect (PRF) that refers to an eventuality completed before the topic time (TopT).
The structure of the verbal word in Table 2 shows that mood is expressed by bound morphemes immediately after the stem.5 There is no declarative mood, or it is not phonologically realized. The overtly realized moods are imperative, hortative, imminent future, habitual and hypothetical.
In my approach to quoted speech, I follow Spronck & Nikitina (2019: 120–126), whose main typological predictions, listed below, are relevant for Kuikuro:
Reported speech involves a single type of syntactic relation, here called a framing relation.
Reported speech constructions involve a binary, but neither subordinating nor coordinating, semantic structure (M:R) expressed through a bi-clausal morphosyntactic construction.
The reported speech (“R”) may be a full clause, a subclause, or a multi-clausal structure.
The matrix or the framer/framing part (“M”) identifies the reported speaker. M may be expressed as a morpheme, or may not be expressed at all.
The sentence in (3) exemplifies the (here sub-clausal) R and M components of a direct quoted speech construction in Kuikuro:
The intransitive verb ki- (‘to say’) can be used as the main verb of the framing part of the quotative construction.6 The sentence in (4) shows that the addresser ‘I’ is identified by the (unmarked) absolutive internal argument of this verb. I also call the reader’s attention to the morphosyntactic expression of the addressee ‘you all’ by the postpositional phrase headed by the perspectival marker heke.
The element heke can mark an ‘about’ meaning, a perspective, and the external cause of a transitive eventuality. Heke is cognate to genetically related forms in other Carib languages. The proto-form can be reconstructed as *pôkô, an abstract notion approximately translatable as ‘about’ (Meira & Franchetto 2005).
In Franchetto (2010: 134–140), I proposed a continuum of its different contexts of occurrence and an extension of a specific notion of ‘perspective’ from the field of spatial relations to the quantification or individuation and actualization of a potential member within a set, and finally, to the external cause of a transitive verb. I gloss heke as PRSP (perspective/perspectival) when it is not the head of a DP external argument of a transitive verb (i.e., its subject), reserving the gloss ERG for this latter function. I illustrate the contrast between these two uses of heke in (5) and (6). In (5), the postpositional phrase tüngisão ingilü heke identifies the specific condition of the intransitive verb anügü, while in (6) iheke is the pronominal external cause (the agent) of the transitive verb ingilü.
Perspectival heke is also used with the intransitive verb ki- ‘to say’ in contexts where it is not a reported speech framer, as shown in (7) and (8).
In Kuikuro, as well as in many Amerindian languages, direct quoted speech is by far more frequent than indirect quoted speech, not just in narratives, but also in other kinds of genres, and even in ordinary speech. In narrative texts, direct quoted speech accounts for between 20 and 40 percent of the whole text.7 Direct quotes contain verbs inflected by performative moods, interjections, ideophones and an abundance of epistemic markers. These modulate and vivify the atitudes and communicative intentions of the interacting characters, as well as expressing their inner thoughts.
Like other framers, ki- follows the quoted speech, as exemplified by (9) and (10):8
Observe in (10) that the addressee ngikogo ‘Indian’ follows the verb ki, inflected with the punctual aspect, and is expressed by the postpositional phrase headed by the ‘perspectival’ heke as described above.
Reported speech contructions framed with the verb ki are not limited to the narrative genre, but are also found in another genre of Kuikuro verbal-musical art. Among the Kuikuro, tolo is a feast or ritual where dances and songs are executed exclusively by women, and that form a ritual and musical complex. It contrasts with the kagutu flutes, a complementary masculine domain that is prohibited to women. Tolo means ‘bird’ as tolo songs are made to fly. The word also means ‘pet’, as the possessed form of tolo refers also to one’s lover.9
Many tolo songs show quotatives recursive structures. This is characteristic of a large part of Amerindian poetical echolalia, where speeches of others (humans, dead persons, dead enemies) are made present by the voice of a singer or a shaman. In many tolo songs, the expression uhisü kilü uheke ‘my younger brother said to me’ is the quotative framer of embedded quotes. The example in (11) is the transcription and translation of the song auga imitoho ‘for the tuvira fish to wake up at dawn’. The terms hisü ‘younger brother’ and tühüninhü ‘the one who is missing’ are paradigmatically used in framing expressions as poetic parallelistic play.
The lovers will go toward each other, since the place of the encounter was previously agreed. These images are frozen in quotative recursive structures, embedded, in turn, in parallelisms with minor variations (substitution, inversion). There is, in each tolo, a repeated core of meanings that often ends up with the mark of a reported speech: uhisü kilü uheke ‘my sweet love told to me’; tühüninhü kilü uheke ‘the one who is missing told to me’; tühüninhü heke ukilü ‘I told to the one who is missing’; ukilü ‘I said’. The woman singing performs a speech/song that was made to fly (tolotelü) in the past by another woman or a man addressing her or his lover.
In narratives, particularly interesting is the frequent use of the forms ta(gü) and nü(gü) as quote framers (12), either immediately after the reported speech, even when it is an inner thought (13), or inside it after a constituent, in most cases, a vocative or an interjection (14).10 Ta(gü) and nü(gü) are the durative and the punctual aspectual inflectional morphemes of Class 2, the major morphological class of Kuikuro verbs. The addresse is always a 3rd person pronominal form prefixed to the perspectival postposition heke. My analysis is that we are facing a transitive verb ‘to say’ that is not phonologically realized, although their inflectional class markers do at least partially appear. The short form of these aspectual morphemes -ta and -nü followed by the 3rd person addressee marked by the perspectival heke are frequently reduced to a single phonological unit, tajheke, nüjheke, spoken in a voice so low as to be almost inaudible.
Note that if both the addresser and addressee are explicit, both are marked by heke, as in (15), an example of direct quoted speech in everyday colloquial interaction: the ‘perspectival’ heke marks the addressee, while the ergative heke marks the addresser.
Example (16) shows co-occurence of frames in a parallelistic repetition which allows the identification of the addresser.
The co-occurence of frames is also found in ordinary speech, as in (17), where the direct quotation is enclosed between a pre-framer and a reduced post-framer.
In example (18) we see that the quote framers ta(gü) and nü(gü) can be completely elided, leaving only the addressee (marked by heke) explicit.
Looking at the Kuikuro facts exemplified in this section, the possibility of a non phonologically realized ‘say’ verb is corroborated by a phonologically realized aspectual inflection (-nügü, -tagü). Kuikuro is a case of the phenomenon that Spronck & Nikitina (2019: 126–129) call “defenestration”: in many languages the realization of M, the framing clause of a directly reported speech construction, is often reduced or even absent, as an optional element. Cross-linguistically, meanings associated with M do not always receive structural expression, and ‘framing’ clauses that are M-less clauses are ‘defenestrated’. Examples (12) to (18) show increasing degrees of defenestration, that is, of M-less clauses. The ‘defenestration’ phenomenon in Kuikuro reaches its maximum manifestation when direct reported speech occurs without any frame, as we will see in Section 3.3.
As mentioned, Kuikuro exhibits the phenomenon that Spronck & Nikitina (2019: 126–129) call defenestration: the framing clause or less-than-a-clause of a directly reported speech construction can be completely absent. According to Spronck & Nikitina, the absence of an explicit framer does not present a semantic lacuna, since it can always be recovered thanks to the use of interjections, ideophones, epistemics, kinship terms, vocatives, among other clues. During the execution of a narrative, the brief questions posed by the itüinhi—the story-teller’s formal interlocutor or ‘what-sayer’—can provide this function of recoverability, when it is beyond the storyteller’s itüinhi immediate understanding of who is talking to whom.
The absence of any quoted speech frame (M) is by far the most frequent case in Kuikuro narratives. Expressive prosody, the context, and, above all, the prior and shared knowledge of the narrative, knowledge from which the non-native researcher is excluded, provide the clues for the recovery of addresser and addressee referents. The mastery of unframed quoted speech is a salient characteristic of the performance of an experienced story-teller, introducing dramatic movements and passages that distinguish between scenes and characters.
Example (19) presents one of the blocks in parallel sequence from the narrative itaõ kuẽgü etĩkipügü ‘the transformation of hyper-women’. It illustrates the way inner thoughts are realized as direct quotatives. In this case, the narrator is hidden in the forest during a fishing trip, and is watching the transformation of men into hyper-peccaris.11
From the same narrative, the same scene depicted in the above example is repeated, but now as the unframed direct quoted speech of the same character who reports what he just saw in the forest to his mother in the village.
Despite the undeniable predominance of direct quotations in Kuikuro discourse, it is possible to find indirect quotative constructions in recordings of everyday interactions as well as in controlled elicitations. In this section I present a brief description of the indirect speech constructions found in my corpus, focusing on some of their syntactic and semantic aspects. It must be said that the picture of the constructions used for what I identify as indirect speech quoted in Kuikuro is still unclear and needs further investigation.
The pronominal strategy is the main clue for the recovering of conjoint or disjoint reference between the subjects of a main clause and a dependent clause. However, this is true only when a 3rd person is involved. If a non-3rd person is the pronominal absolutive argument, its prefixed phonological exponent is always obligatorily present in the dependent verb, as shown in (21), where the dependent clause is an adverbial headed by the morpheme -tomi.
The situation is different with 3rd person clauses. Having no subordinative conjunction, Kuikuro mobilizes what could be called a pronominal strategy in indirect quotatives, as well as in other complex constructions, to encode coincident (SS, same subject) or distinct (DS, different subject) cross-reference relations between the arguments of the matrix clause and a 3rd person in the dependent clause. Compare the paired direct (a) vs. indirect (b) quotes in each of the following examples.
Direct quote:
Indirect quote SS:
Direct quote:
Indirect quote DS:
In these examples the SS (same subject) pronominal form in the dependent verb indicates whether we are hearing a direct or an indirect quotation. The sentence (22b) is a clear example of SS cross-reference, where the reflexive 3rd person morpheme t-/tü- indicates that the subject of the dependent verb (-telü) is coreferent with the subject of the matrix clause. However, when we face a DS (different subject or disjoint reference) construction, as in (23b), there is no difference between direct and indirect quotative constructions, leading to an ambiguous interpretation. This problem doesn’t arise when the disjoint reference is between a non-3rd person subject of the main clause and the subject of the embedded clause, as in (24b).
Direct quote:
Indirect quote:
In (25a) and (25b), the pronominal strategy is at work not only in the contrast between the 1st person and the 3rd person ergative arguments of the verb in the quoted sentence, but also through another deictic: the person markers of a possessed nominal in the direct and indirect quotatives. Here, the distinction between the dual inclusive (kuk-) and the 1st plural exclusive (tis-) is at stake. Moreover, different emphatic morphemes, atsange and akatsange, are used. Finally, there is a difference between the simple ego-centered proximal locative adverb ãde in the indirect quotative (25b) and the double ego-centered proximal locative adverbs ãde and ĩde in the direct quotative (25a).
Direct quote:
Indirect quote:
We saw in Section 2.1, the use of the perspectival or ‘about’ hekeP for the identification of the addressee in the framing part of a direct quote construction. This postpositional phrase is once more in use when the indirect quoted speech contain a transitive verb. Compare the direct (a) and indirect speech (b) forms of the sentences below: in the indirect quote constructions, kanga engelü heke iheke in (26b) and eingilü heke iheke in (27b) are the ‘about’ postpositional phrases that specify the content of the quotation.12
Direct quote:
Indirect quote:
Direct quote:
Indirect quote:
Sometimes indirect quoted speech is introduced by the verb -ki (‘to say’). However the data currently available show that another verbum dicendi—iha- (‘to point at, to show’)—is preferred when the reported speech act is indirect. Compare the direct quotation in (28a) with the indirect quotation in (28b):
The above sentences are bi-clausal focus constructions. They again show the pronominal strategy at work for distinguishing SS from DS, with the reflexive prefix on the dependent verb marking SS, as also exemplified in (29a).
The verb iha- is the only possible option in complex constructions like (30), where a full sentence is the internal argument of iha-, and in recursive constructions like (31).
The verb iha- is also the only possible option in interrogative constructions, as in the examples below, from (32) to (34).
(32), (33), and (34) are examples of interrogatives where the questioned argument is the object of a transitive verb like iha (‘to point at/say’): the object marker ng- prefixed to the verb is coindexed with the question particle tü, always in sentence-initial position, and the inflectional suffix -nümi is, in fact, the exponent of a fusion of the Punctual aspect short form (-nü-) and non-verbal copula -i.
Data from different types of Kuikuro discourse, from traditional narratives to everyday speech and controlled elicitations, corroborate the main typological predictions on reported speech forms stated by Spronck & Nikitina (2019). Direct quotatives are used much more than indirect quotatives, in any genre of discourse, from the most colloquial to the most formal, as in the verbal arts represented by narratives and even in chanted speeches and songs. The art of the story-teller depends on an ability to maintain the narrative path (enga ‘base’) coming and going across its deviations (ikungu ‘arm’), weaving the movement marked by dialogue between the different characters. A direct quote can include more than one sentence, with expressive interjections, epistemics, spatial and temporal deictics, and ideophones.
There are three ways of framing direct quotes: (1) use of the intransitive verb ki- ‘to say’, a lexical framer, with its aspectual inflection, after the quote; (2) pure aspectual inflection, which leads me to postulate a null say-verb, also after the quote; or (3) no framer at all. The use of explicit framers is not compulsory and their simple omission is quite frequent. Quotative constructions framed with a reduced lexical form or even absence of any explicit framing part are highly frequent in all genres of Kuikuro speech, a phenomenon noted in Spronck & Nikitina’s (2019) typological survey and called by the authors ‘defenestrated’ syntactic structures.
The Kuikuro language can be typologically characterized as an ergative-unaccusative language. The agent or, better, the external cause of a transitive verb, is marked by the postposition heke. This postposition has a non-trivial semantics that departs from the ordinary conception of agentivity (Franchetto 2010). The behavior of the say-verb ki- is also notable. It is an intransitive verb that seems to take the ‘sayer’ as its unmarked absolutive internal argument. However, when the addressee is explicit, it is marked by the perspectival heke, the ‘about’ of the addresser’s saying.
Indirect quotatives are less frequently used than direct ones, but even so they are found in everyday speech and are easily documented in controlled and contextualized elicitation. Kuikuro indirect quoted speech constructions deserve much more investigation and new data. Especially for indirect quotatives, some questions for future research are (i) the importance of the so-called pronominal strategy for establishing coreferences between the subject of the main clause and the subject of the subordinate clause; (ii) the possible relevance of the distinction between transitivity and intransitivity, with their argumental structure; (iii) the motivations and contexts for use of the perspectival postpostional phrase hekeP and the shift from the say-verb ki- to another verbum dicendi: iha- ‘to show, to point at’ in indirect speech constructions.
I owe what I know to the commitment and generosity of the Kuikuro people and to our longstanding friendship. Ashauá Didi, Amunegi, Mutuá have been skillful consultants as they are researchers of their own maternal language. I acknowledge the comments and suggestions of the two reviewers, that were crucial for a drastic and necessary revision of the article. The following Brazilian institutions have been a fundamental support for conducting research among the Kuikuro since 1977: Fundação Nacional de Apoio ao Índio (FUNAI), Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq), Museu Nacional (Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro). I would also like to thank Suzi Lima and Tonjes Veenstra for their guidance as coorganizers of the COSY Project, of its associated workshops, and of this publication.
The author acknowledges support form Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq). The DoBeS Program financed the Project for the Documentation of the Upper Xingu Carib Language or Kuikuro from 2001 to 2005.
The author has no competing interests to declare.
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